Tuesday, April 25, 2017

The Kaiser misunderstanding

The Kaiser Family Foundation has a useful measure of how close to capacity the ACA marketplace is operating. Well, check that...Kaiser has two measures, and one has generated some confusion for some time.

The more useful measure is a national and state-by-state estimate of  Marketplace Enrollees Receiving Financial Assistance as a Share of the Subsidy-Eligible Population. For this, Kaiser combines analysis of enrollment data provided by CMS with Census data on income and insurance status. Importantly, Kaiser accounts for people whose income would qualify them for subsidies but who are disqualified by an offer of employer insurance, as well as people disqualified by immigration status.

As of  March 31, 2016*,  Kaiser estimated that 64% of those eligible for premium subsidies nationally were enrolled. State scores ranged from 92% in Florida, which has developed a culture of enrollment, with plenty of assistance available and advertised, to 31% in Colorado.** Kaiser estimated last October that 5.3 million of the uninsured were eligible for marketplace subsidies.

Friday, April 21, 2017

Tom MacArthur doesn't want you to know he's ready to uninsure millions

Defending his support of the ACA repeal bill, the American Health Care Act (AHCA), Rep. Tom MacArthur scolds a constituent who accused him of hypocrisy for "partisan finger-pointing." Yet MacArthur's rebuttal is riddled with obfuscations and errors.

1) MacArthur claims that a court found the ACA's Cost Sharing Reduction subsidies, which reduce out-of-pocket costs for low income enrollees, unconstitutional. Not true. A lower court agreed that if Congress does not allocate funds for those subsidies, as the ACA drafters intended and for which they budgeted, the executive branch lacks authority to pay insurers for them. If Congress allocates the funds, they are unambiguously legal. There is nothing inherently unconstitutional about them, and the Republican Congress's refusal to appropriate the budgeted funds is pure sabotage.

2) MacArthur implies that he's protecting the 11 million Americans and 500,000 New Jerseyans who gained coverage through the ACA's Medicaid expansion. Yet he supports repeal of enhanced federal funding for new expansion enrollees as of 2020. That effectively ends the expansion, as people typically churn in and out of Medicaid at short intervals. The Congressional Budget Office (CBO) forecast that if that cut occurs, the higher federal payments will apply to just 5% of enrollees by 2024.

Thursday, April 20, 2017

Tom MacArthur's faith-based waiver for the AHCA

Representative Tom MacArthur, R-NJ, has taken the lead in advancing amendments to the AHCA designed to bring both the Freedom Caucus and the moderate Tuesday Group aboard.  For the moderates, MacArthur writes that there will be an additional $160 billion in funding over 10 years to increase tax credits for older buyers and preserve Medicaid coverage for new mothers (was that on the block?!) and addiction treatment. For the conservatives, an amendment has been published  that would allow states to opt out of prohibiting medical underwriting or requiring insurers to cover the ACA's Essential Health Benefits.

Actually, the amendment begins by purporting to restore EHBs, community rating and guaranteed issue, the prohibition on denying coverage or charging more to people with pre-existing conditions. But it then tacks round and enables states to seek "limited waivers" to amend the EHBs, community rating -- and medical underwriting, if the state establishes a high risk pool.

How are those waivers limited? There's the rub. Beginning in 2017, the Affordable Care Act enables states to seek waivers to change the structure of their ACA marketplaces, but requires that the state's alternative plan "provide coverage that is at least as comprehensive and affordable, to at least a comparable number of residents, as this title would provide; and that it will not increase the Federal deficit."

Sunday, April 16, 2017

Trump logic, self-defined

A nation in which 40-plus percent of voters would choose for president a man who wildly insults anyone who criticizes or crosses him is a nation where emotional intelligence, let alone political judgment, is severely impaired.

Trump would presumably never admit, obvious as it is, that his insults and praise are determined purely by whether the party in question has been nice to him -- that "failed," "crooked," "cheating," "dumb" etc. simply means "criticized or crossed me."

Except that he just did:

Friday, April 14, 2017

Cutting off CSR is a war on the near-poor

Most coverage of the Trump administration's threats to stop paying Cost Sharing Reduction (CSR) subsidies focuses on the effect of withdrawal on insurers. And rightly so: insurers can't foot the bill for those subsidies on their own without massively raising premiums. If the federal funding is withdrawn, they will exit the ACA marketplace en masse.

It's worth stepping back to notice, though, that from an enrollee point of view, the marketplace can't function without CSR -- at least, not for the 50% of current enrollees who access strong doses of it. Without CSR, the marketplace wouldn't be even marginally serviceable for prospective customers with incomes below 200% of the Federal Poverty Level -- as 55% of uninsured Americans were in 2013, before the marketplace opened.

The average employer-sponsored plan has an actuarial value (AV) of about 82% -- that is, it covers about 82% of the average enrollee's medical costs. CSR raises the AV of a silver plan to 94% for enrollees with incomes below 150% FPL, and to 87% for enrollees in the 150-200% FPL range.& Over 60% of current marketplace enrollees are below the 200% FPL threshold, and about 85% of them select silver plans and so access the benefit, which is available only with silver.

At AV 94%, CSR generally reduces the deductible of a silver plan to the $0-250 range, and at AV 87%, to the $500-1000 range. Deductibles for silver plans without CSR average over $3,500 in 2017.

The AHCA, Paul Ryan's ACA "replacement" bill, is grossly inadequate to the needs of lower income customers, not only because its premium subsidies don't adjust for income and don't adjust adequately for age, but because it also does not adjust exposure to out-of-pocket costs according to income. That's a main reason why, for someone with an income below 150% FPL, the ACA picks up between 2 and 5.5 times as much of the total cost of healthcare (premium plus out-of-pocket expense) as does the AHCA. Because subsidies are available to people higher up the income scale in the Ryan plan, the individual market would shed lower income enrollees and pick up higher income ones should the bill be enacted (it would also shed older enrollees and pick up younger ones).

Thursday, April 13, 2017

Of index investing and traditional Medicare

For some time, a kind of inverted analogy between index fund investing and Traditional Medicare has been flickering round the edges of my mind, so let's see where it leads.

I was very impressed by a forecast I heard almost exactly eight years ago (Suzanne Duncan of the IBM Institute for Business Value)  that within 20 years, 85-90% of assets under management would be invested in passive vehicles -- that is, index funds or institutional equivalents. And in fact, in 2015, passive funds accounted for a third of U.S. mutual fund assets, up from a quarter three years prior.

For individual investors, and for most institutional investors, the shift to passive investment makes excellent sense. It's almost impossible for a portfolio of actively managed funds to beat an index portfolio over time. Just today, the Wall Street Journal reports, "Over the 15 years ended in December 2016, 82% of all U.S. funds trailed their respective benchmarks, according to the latest S&P Indices Versus Active funds scorecard."  And of course, index funds retain a huge fee advantage, since they don't have to pay managers for their acumen -- the funds change their investments automatically to mirror a predetermined basket of equities or bonds.

Someone has to make active decisions that determine prices, however, thereby creating the indexes that passive investors rely on. That means investing in research, complex mathematical analysis, and, sometimes at least, intuition born of lived experience.  What happens when the indexed values are produced by managers investing, say, just 5% of all assets under management? Isn't that a rather small brain moving a dinosaur? Is a smaller herd of decision-makers likelier to stampede in destructive directions?

Conversely, Medicare Advantage -- what you might call actively managed healthcare for seniors -- is grabbing a growing share of the Medicare market, now up to 32% of the whole, up from 22% in 2008.

Tuesday, April 11, 2017

New Jerseyans with pre-existing conditions, by Congressional District

Seeking to win buy-in from the Freedom Caucus for Paul Ryan's ACA repeal bill, the American Health Care Act, Republicans are considering removing protections for people with pre-existing conditions. According to an HHS analysis, over 130 million Americans, or 51% of the non-elderly population, have pre-existing conditions that could have made it impossible for them to obtain coverage in the pre-ACA individual market for health insurance -- or that, more precisely, "could have resulted in denial of coverage, exclusion of the condition, or higher premiums for individuals seeking individual market coverage before the ACA protections applied" (see Note 1 below).

Building on that analysis, which broke out the frequency of pre-existing conditions by age group, the Center for American Progress has produced estimates of the percentage and total number of people with such conditions in every Congressional District in the country (based on the age breakout in every district, not on regional health differences).

Charles Gaba has begun mapping the percentage with pre-ex conditions in each district (usually close to  50% ) to marketplace enrollment, estimating how many would be at risk from medical underwriting should guaranteed issue be repealed.  Since it will take the Gabacus a while to reach New Jersey, I've produced a breakout for the state, with a couple of methodological variations:

Share